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Subida de clítico e reestruturação em Português Europeu
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Abstract(s)
A subida de clítico, fenómeno que ocorre no Português Europeu (PE) e noutras línguas em estruturas de subordinação completiva infinitiva, designa os casos em que o pronome clítico é extraído do domínio do verbo encaixado, que o seleciona, e cliticiza no verbo da oração matriz (Rizzi 1982, Martins 2016). Este fenómeno sintático tem sido apontado, desde Rizzi (1982), como evidência empírica para Reestruturação, definida como uma estrutura em que o verbo principal e o verbo do seu complemento infinitivo se comportam como uma unidade sintática relativamente a determinados fenómenos linguísticos, que indiciam efeitos de transparência do domínio infinitivo (ver, entre outros, Rizzi 1982, Burzio 1986, Bok-Bennema & Kampers-Manhe 1994, Gonçalves 1999).
Nesta dissertação, estuda-se o alcance da subida de clítico em PE em estruturas de subordinação completiva infinitiva, tendo como inspiração os dados de Paradís (2019) para o catalão, que levam a autora a propor que a ausência de subida de clítico não implica necessariamente ausência de Reestruturação. Assim, o objetivo deste estudo consiste em perceber se a subida de clítico, por si só, é, nas produções dos falantes do PE, um teste seguro para identificação da estrutura de Reestruturação. Com vista a avaliar esta hipótese, serão usados diferentes tipos de dados: (i) dados de produção de escrita recolhidos do corpus CETEMPúblico; (ii) dados resultantes de um teste de juízo de aceitabilidade elaborado para esta dissertação e aplicado a 72 falantes nativos do PE – 32 falantes entre os 18-30 anos e 40 falantes entre os 40-50 anos.
Os dados recolhidos, tanto no corpus como no teste de aceitabilidade, permitiram concluir o seguinte: (i) em estruturas de subordinação completiva infinitiva com tempo dependente, a subida de clítico ocorre com valores relevantes; (ii) nas mesmas estruturas, mas com tempo independente, regista-se variação entre verbos e entre falantes, o que não permite confirmar a ideia de que neste contexto a subida de clítico está excluída e (iii) a idade não é um fator relevante para a subida de clítico.
Clitic climbing, a phenomenon that occurs in European Portuguese (EP) as well as in other languages in the context of infinitival verb complements, is a structure in which clitic pronouns are extracted from the domain of the embedded verb, which selects them, and cliticizes them into the matrix verb (Rizzi, 1982, Martins, 2016). This syntactic phenomenon has been pointed out, since Rizzi (1982), as empirical evidence for restructuring, defined as a structure in which the main verb and the verb of its infinitival complement behave as a syntactic unit regarding linguistic phenomena, which indicates transparency effects of the infinitival domain (see, among others, Rizzi 1982, Burzio 1986, Bok-Bennema & Kampers-Manhe 1994, Gonçalves 1999). In this dissertation, the scope of clitic climbing in EP in infinitival verb complements is studied, starting from the data of Paradís (2019) for Catalan, which led the author to propose that the absence of clitic climbing does not necessarily imply lack of restructuring. Thus, the main goal of this study is to understand if clitic climbing, by itself, is a safe test to identify restructuring in the productions of EP speakers. In order to assess this hypothesis, different types of data will be used: (i) written data collected from corpus CETEMPúblico; (ii) data resulting from a grammatical judgment test designed for this dissertation and applied to 72 native speakers of EP - 32 speakers aged 18-30 and 40 speakers aged 40-50 years. The data collected, both in the corpus and in the acceptability test, allowed us to conclude the following: (i) in time-dependent infinitive completive subordination structures, clitic climbing occurs with relevant values; (ii) in the same structures, but with independent time, there is variation between verbs and between speakers, which does not allow to confirme the idea that in this context clitic climbing is excluded and (iii) age is not a relevant factor for clitic climbing.
Clitic climbing, a phenomenon that occurs in European Portuguese (EP) as well as in other languages in the context of infinitival verb complements, is a structure in which clitic pronouns are extracted from the domain of the embedded verb, which selects them, and cliticizes them into the matrix verb (Rizzi, 1982, Martins, 2016). This syntactic phenomenon has been pointed out, since Rizzi (1982), as empirical evidence for restructuring, defined as a structure in which the main verb and the verb of its infinitival complement behave as a syntactic unit regarding linguistic phenomena, which indicates transparency effects of the infinitival domain (see, among others, Rizzi 1982, Burzio 1986, Bok-Bennema & Kampers-Manhe 1994, Gonçalves 1999). In this dissertation, the scope of clitic climbing in EP in infinitival verb complements is studied, starting from the data of Paradís (2019) for Catalan, which led the author to propose that the absence of clitic climbing does not necessarily imply lack of restructuring. Thus, the main goal of this study is to understand if clitic climbing, by itself, is a safe test to identify restructuring in the productions of EP speakers. In order to assess this hypothesis, different types of data will be used: (i) written data collected from corpus CETEMPúblico; (ii) data resulting from a grammatical judgment test designed for this dissertation and applied to 72 native speakers of EP - 32 speakers aged 18-30 and 40 speakers aged 40-50 years. The data collected, both in the corpus and in the acceptability test, allowed us to conclude the following: (i) in time-dependent infinitive completive subordination structures, clitic climbing occurs with relevant values; (ii) in the same structures, but with independent time, there is variation between verbs and between speakers, which does not allow to confirme the idea that in this context clitic climbing is excluded and (iii) age is not a relevant factor for clitic climbing.
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Língua portuguesa - Clíticos Teses de mestrado - 2022