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Nos processos de criação, estruturação e reestruturação do ensino superior no Brasil, as famílias detentoras do poder econômico local e representantes dos habitus dominantes (descendentes de europeus, primeiro invasores, depois imigrantes), as quais politicamente construíram o Brasil, mobilizaram-se de diversas formas para garantirem a formação dos seus filhos para assumirem os lugares de liderança nas instituições públicas e no governo das empresas privadas e profissões altamente especializadas. Somente a estes herdeiros a educação foi garantida, projetada especificamente para cumprimento de seus objetivos, para reproduzir seus capitais herdados e aculturados ao ambiente social, reproduzindo e acumulando desta forma seus capitais, articulada com a detenção cargos e posições simbólicas decisivas ligadas às decisões de poder do Estado.
Com o passar do tempo, o habitus tornou-se pele, roupa, símbolo, música, expressão, alimentação, educação, formação, lugares, ambientes, informação, rendimento, etnia e lazer e etc. A formação do individuo passou a seguir os modelos Europeu e Americano, a seleção resultava de exames rigorosos e o acesso só se dava através de um bom ensino fundamental e médio em boas escolas privadas com “estilo” jesuítico. Com o crescimento econômico nos últimos anos, a organização da informatização e o poder de compra aliado com o mercado capitalista dos países como a China, EUA e Europa, o governo brasileiro, através de sua política pública social de acesso ao ensino superior e de qualificação da mão de obra especializada, rompe com a hegemonia dos habitus que até então dominava o setor educacional e também na sociedade brasileira, no acesso ao trabalho, cargos e empregos. Justifica-se pois que se coloquem algumas questões de pesquisa, relativas a estas transformações recentes, ainda ocorrentes, mas recentemente sofrendo recuo político, e nomeadamente se questione: 1) Em que medida é que a intervenção do Estado e suas políticas públicas sociais na facilitação e encaminhamento do acesso ao ensino superior por cidadãos de classes desfavorecidas (Prouni, FIES para IESs privadas, Cotas para públicas e ENEM para todas), altera as suas perspetivas de acesso ao emprego e profissão, intermediadas por mudanças em seus capitais cultural e social e, mais amplamente, seus habitus? 2) Em que medida essas políticas alteram de fato o papel das IESs na reprodução social, agora que, por um lado, o ensino superior privado passou a beneficiar de apoios ao ingresso de estudantes carentes, através dos Programas Sociais Prouni e FIES, e, por outro lado, o
ensino superior publico, gratuito, que antes era quase exclusivamente acedido por herdeiros das camadas sociais dominantes através de exame vestibular, para o qual eram e são especificamente educados em colégios secundários privados e corporativos, passou a dar também acesso a um número já significativo de estudantes mais pobres, provindos de escolas secundárias “públicas”, através do sistema de cotas para estudantes afrodescendentes (pardos, negros e índios) e através do ENEM para todos?
Após um cuidadoso trabalho de pesquisa e revisão bibliográfica, dadas as questões de pesquisa, adotamos, por ter parecido a mais adequada aos objetivos da pesquisa, a ontologia de Pierre Bourdieu, a qual revimos e ao mesmo tempo usamos para analisar e entender a reprodução social brasileira, com base em estatísticas mundiais e nacionais, estudos de sociologia da educação brasileiros e variadas fontes de dados secundários, além, naturalmente, do conhecimento pessoal que o autor já tinha do campo acadêmico brasileiro, primeiro como discente e, depois, durante curtos períodos, em funções administrativas e docentes. Revimos também, em detalhe, o limitado número trabalhos de autores anteriores que já se tinham debruçado sobre o assunto, relativamente a estudantes e a IESs localizados em regiões mais desenvolvidas do país.
O trabalho de pesquisa de campo, desenvolveu-se durante 6 meses com estudantes dos últimos períodos de cada curso nas IES públicas e privadas, na capital do Estado do Maranhão, São Luis-Brasil, foram aplicados 1.400 inquéritos, em 43 cursos de formação superior, entre a faixa etária superior aos 40 anos e inferior aos 28 anos, efetuado com várias etnias, familiares com rendimento entre os 253 euros e superior aos
7.590 euros. Os procedimentos foram realizados em sala de aula, algumas IES participantes autorizaram-nos a presença em sala inclusive nos horários dos professores, outras não foram possíveis, optamos por realizar a pesquisa nos horários antecedentes e subsequentes aos horários de aula, corredores, ambientes de lazer e restaurantes universitários. Utilizamos uma metodologia mista de um trabalho empírico, com recolha e análise de dados, auxiliado pelo programa de análise estatística IBM SPSS versão 24.0, elaboramos um questionário visando caracterizar o habitus dos estudantes e sua “herança” familiar, através de perguntas sobre manifestações dos seus capitais social, econômico, cultural, simbólico e linguístico.
As revisões de literatura e os resultados obtidos em estudo de campo permitiram-nos entender e descrever melhor as estruturais sociais de reprodução do
habitus por meio das predisposições do sistema educacional, a valorização dos capitais, de forma explícita e implícita, na aprendizagem e a aquisição de competências para o mercado de trabalho, bem como as trincheiras enfrentadas pelos estudantes e as famílias oriundos dos meios populares e carentes na busca do sucesso escolar, o empoderamento feminino no pleiteamento, aquisição e continuação dos estudos e carreira, a idade avançada por parte de muitos estudantes da rede privada na procura de uma formação superior que lhes possa render benefícios e, finalmente, o rompimento tão somente parcial do ciclo natural educacional do Brasil decorrente das políticas públicas de acesso ao ensino superior através dos programas sociais, como Prouni, FIES, Cotas e Enem.
In the processes of creating, structuring and restructuring higher education in Brasil, the families that, all along, held economic power locally and represented the dominating habitus (mostly European descendants, initially invaders, then immigrants), which built Brazil politically, mobilized themselves, in various ways, to ensure the education of their offspring to enable them to take the leading places in public institutions and the government of firms, both private or public owned, and highly specialized professions. Throughout time, the habitus became skin, clothes, symbols, music, expression, feeding, education, training, placing, environments, information, income, ethnicity, leisure, etc. Public higher education tracked the European or American models and standards, with rigorous exams to allow access which could only be gained by demanding preparation in good private secondary education schools mimed on the Jesuit style. Following economic growth in recent past years, in organizations investment in IT, and growth consumers purchasing power, due to increased agricultural and mineral commodity prices and exports to China and the USA, the Brazilian government started investing heavily in higher education and created publicly financed social policies to increase and spread access to higher education and qualify a specialized workforce, thereby partly breaking the hegemony of the bourgeois habitus that, so far, had dominated the educational sector and also, in the Brazilian society, access to work, jobs and employment. These still recent changes, still occurring but already challenged by the ensuing political and financial recess of the last two years, beg some research questions namely: 1) to what extent has the intervention of the State and its adoption of publicly funded social policies (Prouni, FIES for private HEIs, positive discrimination for Afro descendants through assigned admission quotas in public IES, and ENEM - final secondary education exams), envisaging to facilitate and promote access to higher education of students from socially and financially unfavored classes, actually changed those targets perspectives for access to jobs and professions, by changing their cultural and social capitals and, in general, their habituses? 2) To what extent do those policies actually impact on HEIs role in social reproduction, now that, on the one hand, private HEIs benefits from support to enroll disadvantaged students, through the Prouni and FIES programs, and, on the other hand, free attendance HEIs, which previously was almost exclusively accessed by heirs of dominating social classes through demanding threshold exams, for which these were purposefully educated in exclusive private or professional associations owned secondary schools, and subsequently have been forced to accept also an already significant number of socially disadvantaged students, originated in poorly funded state owned secondary schools, through afro descendants quotas and generalized ENEM? Following a careful and extensive literature search and revision, given the stated research questions, it was decided to adopt Pierre Bourdieu’s ontology, which seemed appropriate and promising for the research purposes. Bourdieu’ extensive writings were carefully screened, as well as other post-structuralist related literature, and recent research pursuing related research themes and ontology. These concepts were studied and interpreted to clarify a framework of concepts fruitful to pursue an analysis of social reproduction in Brazil. This was done, based on national and world statistics, Brazilian studies of education sociology, and a variety of sources of secondary data, and the author’s personal previous experience of the Brazilian academic field, first as a student and later, for short periods, as a junior lecturer and non-teaching staff. Specific literature by Brazilian authors on this and related themes, resulted in a not too vast set of literature that was also critically revised, most of which dealt with students and HEIs located in the more developed regions of the country. The fieldwork lasted six months and was carried out in the capital town of the State of Maranhão, S. Luiz, where we queried the students of the final term of each bachelor’s program in each school that gave us access (in programs for which students are away in internships in the last term we queried the students of the final term in the school). We queried a total of 1,400 students, registered in 43 higher education programs, ranging in age from over 40 to under 28 years old, from varied ethnic groups, and families with incomes from € 253 and over € 7,590 (at current exchange rates). The questionnaires were distributed in the classrooms, and some HEIs allowed us to use some of the teachers programed teaching time. When this was not possible we queried the students just before or after a class, by the classroom, in corridors, restaurants, cafeterias, etc. Our data collection strategy was mixed (some qualitative data is offered in an appendix, which was useful to interpret the quantitative analyses results). To analyze the quantitative data, we resorted to SPSS v. 24.0. The questionnaire was built with questions adequate to supply measures that would allow us to characterize the student’s habitus and their family social and cultural inheritance, through questions seeking evidence of their social, economic, cultural, symbolic and linguistic capitals (practices, possessions, revues, habits). The literature revisions and the field work results obtained allowed us to gain an extensive and in depth understanding and description of the social structures through which habitus is reproduced through the educational systems dispositions, with its implicit and explicit appreciation of capitals, in learning and capabilities acquisition aiming at positioning in the work market. The obstacles confronted by students and the families that come from disadvantaged or working class backgrounds were also identified, when they seek success in education, the relatively large numbers of females in certain programs, suggesting improvement of women empowerment in seeking, acquiring and pursuing education and career, the higher ages of students attending private HEIs to gain degrees and capabilities for improving their future incomes and, finally, the only partial break away from the Brazilian traditional educational cycle that seems to have resulted from the implementation over more than a decade of several government social programs, like Prouni, FIES, positive discrimination and adoption of ENEM.
In the processes of creating, structuring and restructuring higher education in Brasil, the families that, all along, held economic power locally and represented the dominating habitus (mostly European descendants, initially invaders, then immigrants), which built Brazil politically, mobilized themselves, in various ways, to ensure the education of their offspring to enable them to take the leading places in public institutions and the government of firms, both private or public owned, and highly specialized professions. Throughout time, the habitus became skin, clothes, symbols, music, expression, feeding, education, training, placing, environments, information, income, ethnicity, leisure, etc. Public higher education tracked the European or American models and standards, with rigorous exams to allow access which could only be gained by demanding preparation in good private secondary education schools mimed on the Jesuit style. Following economic growth in recent past years, in organizations investment in IT, and growth consumers purchasing power, due to increased agricultural and mineral commodity prices and exports to China and the USA, the Brazilian government started investing heavily in higher education and created publicly financed social policies to increase and spread access to higher education and qualify a specialized workforce, thereby partly breaking the hegemony of the bourgeois habitus that, so far, had dominated the educational sector and also, in the Brazilian society, access to work, jobs and employment. These still recent changes, still occurring but already challenged by the ensuing political and financial recess of the last two years, beg some research questions namely: 1) to what extent has the intervention of the State and its adoption of publicly funded social policies (Prouni, FIES for private HEIs, positive discrimination for Afro descendants through assigned admission quotas in public IES, and ENEM - final secondary education exams), envisaging to facilitate and promote access to higher education of students from socially and financially unfavored classes, actually changed those targets perspectives for access to jobs and professions, by changing their cultural and social capitals and, in general, their habituses? 2) To what extent do those policies actually impact on HEIs role in social reproduction, now that, on the one hand, private HEIs benefits from support to enroll disadvantaged students, through the Prouni and FIES programs, and, on the other hand, free attendance HEIs, which previously was almost exclusively accessed by heirs of dominating social classes through demanding threshold exams, for which these were purposefully educated in exclusive private or professional associations owned secondary schools, and subsequently have been forced to accept also an already significant number of socially disadvantaged students, originated in poorly funded state owned secondary schools, through afro descendants quotas and generalized ENEM? Following a careful and extensive literature search and revision, given the stated research questions, it was decided to adopt Pierre Bourdieu’s ontology, which seemed appropriate and promising for the research purposes. Bourdieu’ extensive writings were carefully screened, as well as other post-structuralist related literature, and recent research pursuing related research themes and ontology. These concepts were studied and interpreted to clarify a framework of concepts fruitful to pursue an analysis of social reproduction in Brazil. This was done, based on national and world statistics, Brazilian studies of education sociology, and a variety of sources of secondary data, and the author’s personal previous experience of the Brazilian academic field, first as a student and later, for short periods, as a junior lecturer and non-teaching staff. Specific literature by Brazilian authors on this and related themes, resulted in a not too vast set of literature that was also critically revised, most of which dealt with students and HEIs located in the more developed regions of the country. The fieldwork lasted six months and was carried out in the capital town of the State of Maranhão, S. Luiz, where we queried the students of the final term of each bachelor’s program in each school that gave us access (in programs for which students are away in internships in the last term we queried the students of the final term in the school). We queried a total of 1,400 students, registered in 43 higher education programs, ranging in age from over 40 to under 28 years old, from varied ethnic groups, and families with incomes from € 253 and over € 7,590 (at current exchange rates). The questionnaires were distributed in the classrooms, and some HEIs allowed us to use some of the teachers programed teaching time. When this was not possible we queried the students just before or after a class, by the classroom, in corridors, restaurants, cafeterias, etc. Our data collection strategy was mixed (some qualitative data is offered in an appendix, which was useful to interpret the quantitative analyses results). To analyze the quantitative data, we resorted to SPSS v. 24.0. The questionnaire was built with questions adequate to supply measures that would allow us to characterize the student’s habitus and their family social and cultural inheritance, through questions seeking evidence of their social, economic, cultural, symbolic and linguistic capitals (practices, possessions, revues, habits). The literature revisions and the field work results obtained allowed us to gain an extensive and in depth understanding and description of the social structures through which habitus is reproduced through the educational systems dispositions, with its implicit and explicit appreciation of capitals, in learning and capabilities acquisition aiming at positioning in the work market. The obstacles confronted by students and the families that come from disadvantaged or working class backgrounds were also identified, when they seek success in education, the relatively large numbers of females in certain programs, suggesting improvement of women empowerment in seeking, acquiring and pursuing education and career, the higher ages of students attending private HEIs to gain degrees and capabilities for improving their future incomes and, finally, the only partial break away from the Brazilian traditional educational cycle that seems to have resulted from the implementation over more than a decade of several government social programs, like Prouni, FIES, positive discrimination and adoption of ENEM.
Descrição
Tese de Doutoramento em Sociologia Económica e das Organizações
Palavras-chave
Programa Universidade para Todos Habitus Capital social Capital cultural Brasil Prouni program FIES program University for All Social capital Cultural capital
Contexto Educativo
Citação
Neto, José Maria Franco Teixeira, (2018)." Assimetrias sociais e acesso ao ensino superior ProUni e FIES no Maranhão" . Tese de doutoramento. Universidade de LIsboa, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão.
Editora
Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão
