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A sintaxe da negação em construções declarativas e imperativas no cabo-verdiano numa perspetiva comparada
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Esta dissertação centra-se no estudo da sintaxe da negação em frases declarativas e imperativas no Cabo-verdiano – variedade de Santiago (CV) – numa perspetiva comparada. Norteia-se por dois grandes objetivos: o primeiro é descrever e discutir alguns aspetos sintáticos do comportamento da negação em construções declarativas no CV, em continuação ao trabalho de Pina (2006), e o segundo objetivo é descrever a sintaxe da negação no imperativo nessa língua numa perspetiva comparada com as estruturas declarativas correspondentes, bem como estabelecer possível confronto com alguns aspetos da negação declarativa e imperativa, essencialmente, em Português Europeu (PE), e com algumas línguas românicas e propor configurações estruturais que captem as propriedades que diferenciam ou aproximam as frases negativas declarativas e imperativas em CV e em PE.
Foram desenvolvidos, portanto, dois tópicos centrais na tese: construções declarativas negativas e estruturas imperativas negativas em CV. Descreveu-se, primeiramente, o comportamento da negação nas estruturas declarativas e, por outro lado, mostrámos, na medida do possível, como é que esses dois tipos de construções negativas (declarativa e imperativa) estão correlacionados. A sua escolha, bem como a comparação que se pode estabelecer entre eles, têm o propósito de caraterizar e explicitar alguns aspetos aproximáveis e/ou divergentes que a negação de estruturas frásicas declarativas no indicativo em CV possui em confronto com as estruturas do imperativo correspondentes nesta língua e em PE.
Os dados analisados levam-nos a concluir que a negação de uma frase declarativa, em CV, se realiza tipicamente pela presença da categoria funcional NegP entre as categorias funcionais TP e AspP, quando precede a forma verbal predicativamente plena. Pode ocupar, no entanto, a posição pós-verbal, quando se realiza com o auxiliar sta ‘estar’, na forma imperfetiva staba ‘estava’ e com as formas verbais do presente e ‘é’ e sta ‘está’, respetivamente, das cópulas ser ‘ser’ e sta ‘estar’, indiciando que estes verbos se movem para T0. Mas, por outro lado, o verbo pleno não se move. Ou seja, não sai do vP para se incorporar com a negação e nenhum bloco [Neg+V (predicativo)] se move para T.
O CV exibe construções imperativas e possui imperativo verdadeiro (ou independente) como outras línguas, nomeadamente, o Italiano, o Espanhol (cf. Zanuttini 1991, 1994, 1997, Rivero 1994, Rivero & Terzi 1995, Han 2001, Zeijlstra 2006, entre outros) e o Português (cf. Matos 2003a, 2021). Este ocorre essencialmente com uma pessoa do discurso correspondente à 2ª pessoa do singular que se realiza, especificamente, com uma forma verbal nua, sem Sujeito e não permite a negação. Assim, a restrição relativa à impossibilidade de ocorrência da negação no imperativo verdadeiro nesta língua poderá ser explicada pelas seguintes razões: não havendo traços-φ de Pessoa e Número em T nas marcas de flexão do verbo, que ocorre com forma verbal nua, e não se realizando o Sujeito – diferentemente do que sucede com o imperativo supletivo –, que legitima, no discurso, a correspondência de uma possível pessoa gramatical com o verbo, e não ocorrendo o movimento do verbo, isso faz com que este seja interpretado com T deficitário, pelo que a negação não é permitida nessa forma verbal imperativa. Por outro lado, no entanto, a inexistência de movimento do verbo também ocorre no imperativo verdadeiro – na forma afirmativa – e, nesses contextos, as frases são bem formadas.
Em PE, como notado em Matos (2021), a negação também é proibida nessas formas verbais do imperativo, ainda que possa ocorrer no imperativo supletivo que, nesta língua, ocorre tipicamente no conjuntivo, como também é ilustrado por autores como Matos (2003a) e Barbosa et al. (2020).
Em CV, nas imperativas negativas supletivas, todas as pessoas gramaticais (incluindo a 2ª pessoa do singular, que permite estrategicamente a negação supletiva com a inserção na frase de um sujeito pronominal átono) podem ser negadas e Ka ‘não’ é o marcador que estabelece o domínio negativo nessa forma verbal. A sua presença é obrigatória, mesmo quando coocorre com o marcador negativo de reforço, Na ‘não’, que funciona como a negação de um discurso anterior, e veicula uma informação nova em estruturas imperativas com valores adicionais para ordem e para conselho.
Ao contrário das frases declarativas negativas, em que o Sujeito precede sempre a negação, nas imperativas negativas, como no imperativo supletivo em CV, a negação é deslocada tipicamente para a cabeça da frase seguida do pronome pessoal sujeito átono, diversamente do que se verifica no PE. Por outro lado, nas frases afirmativas, o CV usa, à semelhança do PE, o padrão básico de colocação dos pronomes clíticos complementos, i.e., estes pronomes ocorrem enclíticos ao verbo. A diferença em relação ao PE é que, em CV, essa posição sintática do clítico complemento não se altera em nenhum contexto, ainda que ocorram proclisadores.
This dissertation focuses on the study of negation syntax in declarative and imperative sentences in Capeverdean – variation of Santiago (CV) in a comparative perspective. The study is guided by two main objectives: the first is to describe and discuss some syntactic aspects of the behavior of negation in declarative constructions in CV, as a follow up of the research previously conducted by Pina (2006), and the second objective is to describe the syntax of imperative negation in that language in a comparative perspective with the corresponding declarative structures, as well as establish a possible confrontation with some aspects of declarative and imperative negation, essentially, in European Portuguese (EP), and with some Romance languages and propose structural configurations that capture the properties. These properties can either differentiate, or approximate negative declarative and imperative sentences in CV and in EP. Therefore, two central topics were developed in this thesis: negative declarative constructions and negative imperative structures in CV. Firstly, the behavior of negation in declarative structures was described. Then, we showed, to what extent these two types of negative constructions (declarative and imperative) are correlated. The choice of these sentence types and the correlation between them have the purpose of characterizing and elucidate some of the similar and/or divergent aspects shown by the negation of declarative sentence structures in the indicative in CV when confronted with the corresponding imperative structures in that language, as well as in EP. The analyzed data confirmed that the negation of a declarative sentence, in CV, is typically carried out by the presence of the functional category NegP between the functional categories TP and AspP, when it precedes the predicatively full verb form. However, it occupies the post-verbal position, when it is performed with the auxiliary sta 'estar'1, in the imperfect form staba 'was' and with the present tense verb forms e 'is' and sta 'is', respectively, of the copulas ser 'ser'2 and sta 'estar', indicating that these verbs move to T0. Conversely, the full verb does not move. This means it cannot move outside vP to merge with negation, and no [Neg+V (predicate)] block moves to T. CV displays imperative constructions with true (or independent) imperative, as other languages, namely Italian and Spanish (cf. Zanuttini 1991, 1994, 1997, Rivero 1994, Rivero & Terzi 1995, Han 2001, Zeijlstra 2006, et al) and Portuguese (cf. Matos 2003a, 2021). This phenomenon occurs with the 2nd person singular that takes place, specifically, with a bare verbal form without the Subject, and it does not allow negation. Thus, the restriction on the impossibility of negation in the true imperative in this language can be explained by the following cases: there are no φ-features of Person and Number in T in the inflection traits of the verb, which occurs with the bare verb form, and does not realize the Subject – unlike what happens with the suppletive imperative –, which legitimate, in the discourse, the correspondence of a possible grammatical person with the verb and the verb movement does not occur. This causes is to be interpreted with a deficit T, so negation does not allow in this imperative verb form. On the other hand, however, the absence of the verb movement also occurs in the true imperative - in the affirmative form - and, in these contexts, sentences are grammatical. In EP, as noted in Matos (2021), the negation is also banned from these imperative verb forms, even though it may occur in the suppletive imperative, which in this language typically occur in the subjunctive, as is also supported by authors such as Matos (2003a) and Barbosa et al. (2020). In CV, in the suppletive negative imperatives, all grammatical persons (including the 2nd person singular that strategically allows the suppletive negation with the insertion in the sentence of an unstressed pronominal subject in the sentence) can be negated and Ka ‘no’ is the negative marker that establishes the negative domain in this verb form. It’s presence is mandatory, even when it co-occurs with the negative reinforcement trait Na ‘no’ that serves as the negation of a previous speech that conveys new information in imperative structures with additional values for order and advice. Unlike negative declarative sentences, in which the Subject always precedes the negation, in negative imperatives – with the suppletive imperative –, the negation is typically shifted to the head of the sentence followed by the personal pronoun clitic subject, as opposed to what happens in EP. On the other hand, in affirmative sentences, CV uses the basic pattern of placement of clitic pronouns complements in the same way as EP: these clitics occur enclitics to the verb. The difference in relation to EP is that, in CV, this syntactic position of the complement clitic does not change in any context even when putative proclisers occur.
This dissertation focuses on the study of negation syntax in declarative and imperative sentences in Capeverdean – variation of Santiago (CV) in a comparative perspective. The study is guided by two main objectives: the first is to describe and discuss some syntactic aspects of the behavior of negation in declarative constructions in CV, as a follow up of the research previously conducted by Pina (2006), and the second objective is to describe the syntax of imperative negation in that language in a comparative perspective with the corresponding declarative structures, as well as establish a possible confrontation with some aspects of declarative and imperative negation, essentially, in European Portuguese (EP), and with some Romance languages and propose structural configurations that capture the properties. These properties can either differentiate, or approximate negative declarative and imperative sentences in CV and in EP. Therefore, two central topics were developed in this thesis: negative declarative constructions and negative imperative structures in CV. Firstly, the behavior of negation in declarative structures was described. Then, we showed, to what extent these two types of negative constructions (declarative and imperative) are correlated. The choice of these sentence types and the correlation between them have the purpose of characterizing and elucidate some of the similar and/or divergent aspects shown by the negation of declarative sentence structures in the indicative in CV when confronted with the corresponding imperative structures in that language, as well as in EP. The analyzed data confirmed that the negation of a declarative sentence, in CV, is typically carried out by the presence of the functional category NegP between the functional categories TP and AspP, when it precedes the predicatively full verb form. However, it occupies the post-verbal position, when it is performed with the auxiliary sta 'estar'1, in the imperfect form staba 'was' and with the present tense verb forms e 'is' and sta 'is', respectively, of the copulas ser 'ser'2 and sta 'estar', indicating that these verbs move to T0. Conversely, the full verb does not move. This means it cannot move outside vP to merge with negation, and no [Neg+V (predicate)] block moves to T. CV displays imperative constructions with true (or independent) imperative, as other languages, namely Italian and Spanish (cf. Zanuttini 1991, 1994, 1997, Rivero 1994, Rivero & Terzi 1995, Han 2001, Zeijlstra 2006, et al) and Portuguese (cf. Matos 2003a, 2021). This phenomenon occurs with the 2nd person singular that takes place, specifically, with a bare verbal form without the Subject, and it does not allow negation. Thus, the restriction on the impossibility of negation in the true imperative in this language can be explained by the following cases: there are no φ-features of Person and Number in T in the inflection traits of the verb, which occurs with the bare verb form, and does not realize the Subject – unlike what happens with the suppletive imperative –, which legitimate, in the discourse, the correspondence of a possible grammatical person with the verb and the verb movement does not occur. This causes is to be interpreted with a deficit T, so negation does not allow in this imperative verb form. On the other hand, however, the absence of the verb movement also occurs in the true imperative - in the affirmative form - and, in these contexts, sentences are grammatical. In EP, as noted in Matos (2021), the negation is also banned from these imperative verb forms, even though it may occur in the suppletive imperative, which in this language typically occur in the subjunctive, as is also supported by authors such as Matos (2003a) and Barbosa et al. (2020). In CV, in the suppletive negative imperatives, all grammatical persons (including the 2nd person singular that strategically allows the suppletive negation with the insertion in the sentence of an unstressed pronominal subject in the sentence) can be negated and Ka ‘no’ is the negative marker that establishes the negative domain in this verb form. It’s presence is mandatory, even when it co-occurs with the negative reinforcement trait Na ‘no’ that serves as the negation of a previous speech that conveys new information in imperative structures with additional values for order and advice. Unlike negative declarative sentences, in which the Subject always precedes the negation, in negative imperatives – with the suppletive imperative –, the negation is typically shifted to the head of the sentence followed by the personal pronoun clitic subject, as opposed to what happens in EP. On the other hand, in affirmative sentences, CV uses the basic pattern of placement of clitic pronouns complements in the same way as EP: these clitics occur enclitics to the verb. The difference in relation to EP is that, in CV, this syntactic position of the complement clitic does not change in any context even when putative proclisers occur.
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Língua crioula cabo-verdiana - Sintaxe Língua portuguesa - Sintaxe Língua crioula cabo-verdiana - Negação (Linguística) Língua portuguesa - Negação (Linguística) Língua crioula cabo-verdiana - Imperativo (Linguística) Língua portuguesa - Imperativo (Linguística) Teses de doutoramento - 2023