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Construções ditransitivas no português de São Tomé
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Nesta dissertação analisam-se as construções ditransitivas no português de São
Tomé (PST), uma variedade pós-colonial em avançado processo de nativização, cujas
propriedades resultam de uma aquisição histórica como L2.
Começaremos por discutir dados das línguas românicas, propondo que o
português europeu exibe duas construções ditransitivas preposicionadas (CDPs).
Enquanto verbos como dar (core dative verbs) subcategorizam Recipientes [±ANIM],
introduzidos pela preposição funcional a, verbos como atirar/enviar (non-core dative
verbs) subcategorizam Alvos [+ANIM], interpretados como Recipientes, introduzidos
pela preposição funcional a, e Alvos [-ANIM] introduzidos pela homófona preposição
direcional a. Por sua vez, as variedades não europeias do português exibem igualmente
construções de duplo objeto (CDOs) e/ou CDPs introduzidas por uma preposição
funcional/direcional ou locativa, como a/para e em. Além disso, adotaremos um modelo
de concha larsoniana para a estrutura das construções ditransitivas nas
línguas/variedades em análise.
Na segunda parte da dissertação, analisaremos as estratégias exibidas pelo PST
para a realização do argumento dativo: (i) a CDO; (ii) a CDP introduzida pela
preposição funcional a (CDP1); (iii) a CDP introduzida pela preposição direcional para
(CDP2) e mostraremos que a sua ocorrência está dependente do tipo de verbo. A CDO e
a CDP1 ocorrem apenas com core dative verbs e Recipientes [±ANIM], enquanto a
CDP2 ocorre tanto com core como non-core dative verbs e Recipientes/Alvos [±ANIM].
Além disso, mostrar-se-á que informantes mais escolarizados exibem alternância dativa
entre CDOs e CDPs (ou apenas CDPs), enquanto informantes menos escolarizados
apenas exibem a CDO e a CDP1. Por fim, discutir-se-ão os efeitos do contacto histórico
com o forro, o crioulo maioritário em São Tomé e Príncipe, e defender-se-á que a
hipótese de Full Transfer/Full Access (Schwartz & Sprouse 1994, 1996) permite dar
conta da ocorrência de CDOs no PST, refletindo o contacto com o forro, e da ocorrência
de CDPs, refletindo o acesso à Gramática Universal.
This dissertation focuses on ditransitive constructions in the Portuguese of São Tomé (PST), a post-colonial variety in the final stages of nativization. We will start by discussing data from Romance languages, in particular European Portuguese (EP), the target-variety. EP exhibits two ditransitive prepositional constructions (DPCs). While verbs such as dar ‘give’ (core dative verbs) subcategorize Recipients [±ANIM], verbs such as throw/send (non-core dative verbs) subcategorize both [+ANIM] Recipients and [-ANIM] Goals. In addition, there are two homophonous prepositions a ‘to’: Recipients are introduced by a functional preposition while Goals are introduced by a directional preposition. On the other hand, non-European varieties of Portuguese exhibit a range of alternative strategies, namely double object constructions (DOC) and/or DPCs introduced by directional and locative prepositions, such as para ‘to/toward’ and em ‘in’. Furthermore, we will propose an adapted version of the Larsonian VP-shell to derive ditransitive constructions in the languages and varieties under discussion. In the second part, we will analyze the dative strategies employed by the PST: (i) DOC; (ii) DPC introduced by the functional preposition a (DPC1); and (iii) DPC introduced by the directional preposition para (DPC2). Linguistic and extra-linguistic variables will be considered. The data show that DOC and DPC1 occur with core dative verbs and Recipients [±ANIM], while DPC2 occurs with both core and non-core dative verbs as well as with Recipients and Goals [±ANIM]. Moreover, informants with a higher level of education exhibit dative alternation between DOC, DPC1 and DPC2 (or only DPCs), whereas lower-educated informants only exhibit DOC and DPC1. Finally, we will discuss the role of contact between PST and Forro, the dominant creole in São Tomé and Príncipe, and propose that an L2 hypothesis which accepts both transfer from L1 and access to Universal Grammar can explain the (co)occurrence of DOC and DPCs in PST.
This dissertation focuses on ditransitive constructions in the Portuguese of São Tomé (PST), a post-colonial variety in the final stages of nativization. We will start by discussing data from Romance languages, in particular European Portuguese (EP), the target-variety. EP exhibits two ditransitive prepositional constructions (DPCs). While verbs such as dar ‘give’ (core dative verbs) subcategorize Recipients [±ANIM], verbs such as throw/send (non-core dative verbs) subcategorize both [+ANIM] Recipients and [-ANIM] Goals. In addition, there are two homophonous prepositions a ‘to’: Recipients are introduced by a functional preposition while Goals are introduced by a directional preposition. On the other hand, non-European varieties of Portuguese exhibit a range of alternative strategies, namely double object constructions (DOC) and/or DPCs introduced by directional and locative prepositions, such as para ‘to/toward’ and em ‘in’. Furthermore, we will propose an adapted version of the Larsonian VP-shell to derive ditransitive constructions in the languages and varieties under discussion. In the second part, we will analyze the dative strategies employed by the PST: (i) DOC; (ii) DPC introduced by the functional preposition a (DPC1); and (iii) DPC introduced by the directional preposition para (DPC2). Linguistic and extra-linguistic variables will be considered. The data show that DOC and DPC1 occur with core dative verbs and Recipients [±ANIM], while DPC2 occurs with both core and non-core dative verbs as well as with Recipients and Goals [±ANIM]. Moreover, informants with a higher level of education exhibit dative alternation between DOC, DPC1 and DPC2 (or only DPCs), whereas lower-educated informants only exhibit DOC and DPC1. Finally, we will discuss the role of contact between PST and Forro, the dominant creole in São Tomé and Príncipe, and propose that an L2 hypothesis which accepts both transfer from L1 and access to Universal Grammar can explain the (co)occurrence of DOC and DPCs in PST.
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Língua portuguesa - São Tomé e Príncipe Língua portuguesa - Transitividade (Linguística) Língua portuguesa - Variação linguística - São Tomé e Príncipe Teses de doutoramento - 2016